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The documentary Dam/age portrays the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), a grassroots movement opposing the construction of large dams in India’s Narmada Valley. The goal of the movement was to halt or delay projects that threatened to displace millions of marginalized people while reframing “development” as a site of injustice. Arundhati Roy’s narration adds another layer: questioning not only the dams but also the legitimacy of the Indian Supreme Court and international institutions like the World Bank.

The NBA’s strategies reflect what Nepstad (2015) calls both principled and pragmatic nonviolence. On one hand, Gandhian traditions of satyagraha informed hunger strikes, marches, and standing in rising waters. On the other hand, pragmatic calculations guided legal petitions, media outreach, and international solidarity, reflecting Sharp’s (1973) idea of targeting a regime’s “pillars of support.” For example, the World Bank withdrew funding under pressure, weakening elite consensus behind the dam projects.

The film highlights tactics of both obstructive and constructive non-violence. Obstructive tactics included blockades, sit-ins, and the physical refusal to vacate villages as waters rose. Constructive tactics included building alliances across rural and urban spaces, linking villagers with activists, lawyers, and international NGOs. Roy’s writing functions as what Nepstad (2015) would call a symbolic action, reshaping the narrative of what counts as violence: deprivation of land and livelihood is framed as structural violence, even if no bullets are fired.

The effectiveness of these actions was mixed. The NBA delayed dam projects for years and secured temporary stays in court, demonstrating what Nepstad terms accommodation, i.e. concessions without full regime conversion. Yet the dams were ultimately completed, underscoring Chenoweth & Stephan’s (2011) finding that nonviolent campaigns succeed most when they mobilize sustained, mass participation across society. The NBA succeeded in exposing injustice but struggled to translate moral legitimacy into structural change.

As a teaching tool, Dam/age is invaluable. It broadens the conversation beyond regime change to show how nonviolence confronts structural violence tied to development and globalization. By connecting Sharp’s (1973) “pillars of support” and Nepstad’s (2015) mechanisms of change to a Global South case, the film shows students that nonviolence is not only about elections or independence struggles, but also about resisting economic injustice through creative, nonviolent means.

References

Chenoweth, E., & Stephan, M. J. (2011). Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. Columbia University Press.

Nepstad, S. E. (2015). Nonviolent Struggle: Theories, Strategies, and Dynamics. Oxford University Press.

Sharp, G. (1973). The politics of nonviolent action. Boston : P. Sargent Publisher.

Review by Sabrina Nichol

The documentary Sudan, Remember Us, written and directed by Hind Meddeb, follows the determination of young activists in the country’s capital Khartoum as they peacefully resist President Omar al-Bashir’s authoritarian regime and demand a civilian-led government. In the midst of political repression, systemic corruption, economic collapse, and military violence, the film captures the essence of a nonviolent revolution. It begins during the 57-day sit-in at Sudan’s Army Headquarters in April 2019, a pivotal moment in the movements fight for a democratic government. The peaceful demonstrations, filled with chanting, music, and art, and people sharing meals, were met with violence as the military attacked on the last night of Ramadan. As protests intensified, Bashir was removed from power in April 2019, and the government was subsequently led by a Prime Minister selected by civilian groups with a joint civilian-military transitional government. The power sharing agreement dissolved after a military coup in October 2021. Although the films ending confronts the audience with the harsh current state of Sudan, and the vast humanitarian crisis civilians continue to face, it also brings light to the fortitude of civilians who continue to fight for freedom, peace, and a civilian-led government.

The film captures various forms of nonviolent action and civil disobedience used by Sudanese civilians. From December 2018 to April 2019, mass protests and sit-ins successfully led to the removal of President Omar al-Bashir from power. Demonstrators also engaged in more subtle daily acts of resistance, such as reporting to work to avoid being fired, but refusing to perform any tasks, and limiting purchases to only necessary items as an economic protest. Following the military coup, the demonstrations continued. People painted murals to honor those killed by the military or those who had disappeared, presumably arrested. One may find messages like, “When the dictator falls, we will be back.”, across city walls. A group of women united by their fight for a just future share politically driven poetry expressing their struggles. Art can be a safer yet effective way for civilians to resist, reclaim public spaces, build solidarity, and give a voice to the marginalized in Sudan. All these acts embody the strength of the Sudanese people and their continuous pursuit for a democratic future. I feel that the film effectively portrays a range of nonviolent methods, each with varying levels of risks, and offers valuable insight into their impact in the face of a repressive authoritarian regime and an ongoing humanitarian crisis.

Documentary review

The documentary Pray the Devil Back to Hell provides a powerful  case study of how ordinary citizens, particularly women, can mobilized nonviolent action to confront one of Africa’s most brutal conflicts. Led by Leymah Gbowee, the Liberian women’s movement pursued clear and precise goals: to end the civil war, secure peace negotiations, and reclaim their families’ future. Their strategies were grounded in inclusivity (bridging Christian and Muslim divides) and their tactics included fasting, and prayer. Tactics also included sit-ins, public chants, and, when negotiations stalled in Ghana, the threat of public nudity. In these different tactics and strategies, we can clearly see an application of what Gene Sharp describes as methods of protest, noncooperation, and intervention.

The film illustrates that nonviolent resistance can succeed even where or when  diplomacy fails. By forming a firm white line between warring factions, the women disrupted cycles of violence and delegitimized the warlords. Ultimately, this movement contributed to Taylor’s exile and the election of Africa’s first female president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Their achievement supports Sharp’s argument that when nonviolent struggle derives its power from the mobilization of social unity rather than reliance on arms, it can still produce real change.

From a West Sahelian perspective (confronted with violent insurgencies and intercommunal conflict), the film resonates on many levels. The Liberian women’s insistence on unity captured in Gbowee’s question, “Does a bullet know a Christian from a Muslim?”, offers a vital lesson for the Sahel, where ethnic and religious tensions are exploited to sustain conflict. A nonviolent movement in the Sahel region would need to similarly transcend identity divides, claiming legitimacy by appealing to shared suffering and collective aspirations for peace.

The film has more than a historical account; it is a pedagogical tool for understanding how grassroots mobilization, moral courage, and creative nonviolent tactics can succeed where traditional diplomacy and armed force often fail. For students of nonviolence, it illustrates the practical application of Sharp’s methods reminding us that sustainable peace is built on dismantling and disarming (nonviolently)  the social conditions that fuel it. 

The Singing Revolution (2006) documents Estonia’s use of song, solidarity, and symbolic defiance to resist Soviet occupation and reclaim independence. Across nearly fifty years of repression, deportation, Russification, and cultural erasure, Estonians utilized song and Laulupidu – their annual festival of song – to preserve identity and hope. In August 1991, Estonia declared independence, a feat credited to the strategic upholding of national identity and cultural expression. The love of song became a deliberate strategy, transforming music into a unifying and mobilizing force.  

Preserving language and culture and restoring sovereignty were the primary goals. Strategy relied on channeling symbols of nationhood into collective acts of resistance that refused assimilation. Singing provided morale and protection: justifying violent repression of mass, nonviolent gatherings of singing citizens was difficult. The song Mu isamaa on minu arm, banned by Soviet authorities, became a symbol of survival and an unofficial national anthem at the 1969 festival, when thousands defiantly sang it, despite Soviet military attempts to drown out Estonian voices. It became a rallying cry – openly expressing dissent through the solidarity of song. 

Estonians leveraged the unity of this event into additional tactics. In 1987, environmental protests challenged plans for phosphorite mines. In 1989, nearly two million people across the Baltics created a 370-mile human chain, demanding the end of regional occupation. The Estonian flag was reclaimed as a symbol of nationhood – displayed at rallies and woven into clothing. Writers published hidden histories of occupation and the Moloto-Ribbentrop Pact as acts of consciousness raising. Politicians pursued institutional resistance within glasnot structures to assert the primacy of Estonian law. These interconnected acts reframed public discourse and eroded Soviet authority. Singing alone did not bring independence, but it sustained the movement until a moment of ripeness where political opportunity aligned with Soviet decline. 

The film utilizes archival footage and survivor testimony, immersing the viewer in the culture and, often, the language that Soviet policy sought to extinguish. The Singing Revolution captures how joy, tradition, and solidarity became forms of defiance, showing how cultural expression kept a repressed society unified. The film shows the ways collective identity can be mobilized as a force for change, a reminder that nonviolent struggle is not only strategic but also deeply human. Staying silent meant slow assimilation – the loss of Estonian language, identity, and national connection. Violence risked further violent repression. Song offered a third path: resistance that was hopeful, creative, and transformative. 

Photo by: Koshu Kinii (Unsplashed)

The Fight in the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the Farmworkers’ struggle.

I find this movie fascinating because it shows various strategies and tactics employed in nonviolent actions. The documentary is about Cesar Chavez (an American activist) who inspired a struggle to create a multiracial movement which eventually resulted in the formation of United Farm Workers (UFW) in 1965 after several years of struggle to form a permanent union for farm workers. The migrant workers from Mexico, the Philippines, China, and Japan provided skills and power as factory and field workers during the agricultural boom in California in the 1960s. However, despite their impact on agricultural development, each time they attempted to form unions to agitate for a wage increase, better conditions of service, or to acquire their farm, they were met with beatings, shootings, and deportations. This happened between 1965 to 1970.

Chavez and his team realized the importance of organizing for nonviolent action. They employed several strategies to achieve their goals. The main strategy is the boycott of buying and selling of grapes. The strategies were effective, according to my analysis. One crucial strategy employed was sourcing for funding. Chaves acquired a loan from the bank to start a credit union using his house as collateral. This shows the importance of financing in nonviolent actions. Equally interesting is the strategy of bringing together people from other races (who have been segregated before) and works of life, creating a beloved community preached by Dr. Martin Luther King. The show of love, solidarity, and creation of beloved community are impressive, and I think they contribute to the success of the struggle.

Another strategy portrayed was working with other group who was agitating for related cause.  The other group include five thousand Filipino workers who were engaging in a strike in Delano, California. The increase in campaign size would positively impact the success of the nonviolent struggle.

Gandhi and King’s spiritual principles inspired Chavez and his movement to employ spiritualism in the nonviolent struggle. This shows that religion can positively influence social movement organizing. People organized music concerts, shows, and art exhibitions throughout the struggle to bring people together and create fun times during organizing.

Another strategy employed by Chavez and his movement was able to woo a pillar of support. Senator Robert Kennedy supported them. He asked an official why they arrested the organizers when they did not violate the law. The support from Robert Kennedy earned him two hundred thousand votes from California residents and helped him to win the presidential election.

Chavez continued the struggle despite his daughter going for major surgery. The struggle involved the mobilization of people to boycott California grapes. The boycott was effective because it led to the contract’s signing and the union’s establishment. It also led to the rise of another movement organized by the lettuce growers. Overall, the video is very useful in learning nonviolent actions.

Written by:

Felix Akinboyewa